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Antifascism with a human face

manol

In a short Saturday interview for the orthodo EPH's Jutarnji List, the president Josipovic introduced some news in the legal proceedings, such as 'the right' and 'the wrong' side in war, which is something we have never seen in legal practice. Apart from the fact that he defends massive murderers, he also provides new explanation of the constitution, telling us all that the antifascists are a bit more equal before the law then the others. And not only that, but they are more equal also because they participated in creation of Croatia.

It would be nice if that were applicable when it comes to Gotovina but it is not, probably because he is not 'antifascist', after all. But it is applicable, of course, to the investigation that the Croatian Ministry of Internal Affairs started against  Josip Manolic, Josip Boljkovac, Rade Bulat and Stjepan Hrsak.

 

Four Tito's musketeers

Let us remind you what are, approximately, these four old men accused of, among which two of them are commanders of the antifascist secret police and one of them is a folk hero. Only to illustrate the fact, since we do not need to go into details of the indictments . Manolic is accused that he, almost two months after the end of the Second World War, in July 1945, took away 120 prisoners tied with a wire in the woods nearby, where he and the jolly fellows from OZNA had fun cutting their ears, noses and fingers,and throwing them all to a pile, and also for shooting some people.Alright, someone will say, those were the Ustashas, they were on the wrong side as the president says, but there is a low probability that, for example,, Stevo Nemet who was shot was really an ustasha (Stevo being a typically Serbian name). Just because he is Stevo. And there are also murders by some civilians for the 'collaboration with the agressor', for example of a rich local butcher of Czech nationality, Svoboda. It needs to be emphasized here that such a 'colaboration with the agressor' ocurred very frequently by the rich citizens whose houses were eyed by the comrades, so they were often shot without the verdict, which would be written afterwards, and the judge Ranogajec would usually sign it. Such verdicts were then sent to GUND, so that the property could be transfered to new ownders, and because of that they remained kept - UDBA didn't destroy them because they simply forgot that those verdicts ended up in the  city archives. Furthemore, there are also accusations for breaking a head with the hammer to several prisoners in the  local OZNA prison, headed by Manolic back then. And there is also the unfortunate fact for Manolic that it has been forensically discovered recently that Stepinac, during the time when Manolic commanded the prisons and camps system, was poisoned - large amounts of chrome, arsenic and plumb were found in his body.

 

Furthermore, there is another Josip here, Boljkovac. Here we also have standard things such as massive liquidations of prisoners tied by a wire, but also some more original crimes, such as torturinga and abusing,and then raping of sisters Ana Crnic and Milica Miljevac, as well as the murder of the youngers sister, followed by shooting the significant number of civilians, also indlucing some legless invalids and women. And others in this trefoil of antifascist muskeetirs, along with a  D'Artagnan Manolic as a spiritual leader, have something to brag with: the folk hero Rade Bulat is mostly accused for violent acts worthy of a Turkish aga from the Middle Ages somewhere in central Bosnia. For example, for killing with peeps and knives, followed by some cases where Bulat shot the victims' mouth from a close range, where one of the victims was a local mailman, some arsen in villages that were 'being liberated' along with the robbery of the houses, and a particularly interesting detail from the investigation is that in March 1943 they arrestedi, among everyone else, Bara, Ana and Draga Juratovac, as well as Ana Maric, stabbed their breasts with a knife and pulled their arms through them. A real fun for young antifascists. Comrad Rade, at least, unlike the others, committeed these crimes during the war, which enabled his furious advancement, and even after the war he didn't disappoint the  party so he was also accused of throwing several hundreds of domobrans and German soliders to the Jazovka pit.

 

Of course, all three deny everything mentioned above, so Manolic does not remember anything and he knows absolutely nothing, as he says, he only shot people based on the verdicts by the people's courts and only those people who deserved it, Boljkovac is reminding us of his good upbringing that comes a bit from home and a bit from the woods which, as he says, prevented him from doing such bad thingsi, it is known after all that the communist secret police did everything by the book and never tortured anyone, and even if they did, those were the 'remaining Ustashas' and Rade Bulat remains consistent to his image of a raw and violent man even in an old age, simply saying that 'the gang wants to arrest'.

 

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The gant wants to arrest

However, Rade is not the only one who says that the 'gang wants to arrest the antifascists'. Opinons were heard, expectedly, by Stipe Mesic, who reacts after a mere mention of danger to 'antifascism' with a dilligence of pit-bull left to watch over the car junk-yard, and also expectedly, Vedrana Rudan and also a large part of pro-Yugoslav leftist from home. Including the already mentioned statement by the president Josipovic, and the fact that he, who is usually smart enough to keep his mouth shuti unless he really has to speak, spoke this time, babbling for quite a long time confirms how alarming the situation has become for some.  Josipović insists that Manolic, Bulat i Boljkovac are the 'distinguished antifascist' and that they fought on the right side inin the war. However, what do the 'right' and the 'wrong' side in the war have when it comes to the investigation of war crimes is nevertheless unclear, even if we accept a very suspicious logic that the partisans' struggle was a fight for democracy and Croatia and against the agressor, and not a  fight for communism and the Soviet Yugoslavia. Are those on the right side less guilty for the same crime? Furthermore, Josipovic is bothered because the newspapers, as you can see, write about it, and therefore show presumed guilt - although as the presidnet he should not meddle in what the newspapers should write, and if there is someone here who is making attempts to affect the judiciary in a non-allowed manner and prevent a trial to murderers, it is precisely - he. Why should the newspapers not write about how the victims died? Where is guilt presumed there, when we all know that the newspapers always describe every crime in detaili even before the charges were pressed, and no one sees it as a presumed guilt? When was it exactly that the newspapers did not describe in detail how the victim was murdered, and who was a suspecti?! But you see, this time those who would otherwise see such statements as meddling of the government into the judiciary autonomy and the pressure on media to keep their mouth shut and censore themselves, when they write about antifascists, even if they are massive murderers, remained silent 

 

Furthermore, Josipovic is preaching that the way in which the Second World War crimes are investigated is wrong and that this is everyday politics, altough it is uncler what is everyday politics, what is wrong in the investigaton and why should it, even if it were used for everyday political purposes, be illegitimate in democracy. Should the murderers remain free and unpunished so that the trial would not be used by someone for their everyday political agenda? Or it is not convenient to do it in the election year,although the investigation has been going on for years? And if it is so, what is the connection of the SDP with all that and how would it be of use to the HDZ, considering the fact that the former HDZ prime minister and the minister were among the accused ones?   

 

So now, let us go back to the beginning. It somehow turns out that it all means that the 'distinguished antifascists' and members of the party are a bit more equal before the law than the rest and that we should acknowledge only the party court. Josipovic, of course, did not announce something like that when a certain obscure associaton recently called for the arrest of Vladimir Seks based on some kind of very strange and extremely creative interpretation of the commanding responsibility. The president Josipovic clearly sends the message here: 'They are protected from legal procedure because they are antifascists, and deal with it', although, of course, just for the formality sake, he adds that all crimes should be put on trial in case they ocurred, but of course, in such a manner that the deserving antifascists remain untouched and that the rightneousness of the antifascist struggle is not put in question, and that the history is not revised, since the accused ones wrote it, because it would not be nice for a lawyer and, apart from that, a very righteous president, to say that these big shots in  Croatia today are protedcted from the trial and for the most hideous murders. What was it, after all, that made the accused 'distinguished antifascists' when it is evident that they distinguished themselves, above all, by thinking of the imaginary methods of extermination of civilians and prisoners with cold weapons? And let us also not mention that Josipoviic like Mesic,, spins with some 'crusaders' so it turns out that Boljkovac had to break the skulls to mailmen with the hammer and  rape the village girls, and that the comrad Rade had to burn the houses drunk in 1942, since there were some crusaders in 1945.

 

The rest of the antifascist left did not match the strategy of defense of comrades threatened by the Ustasha martial law and public lynch embodied in Karamarko and Vecernji List, so they differ a bit from the Josipovic's legal strategy of insisting on the the innocence or at leasti credits by those accused who annul the guilt. Rudan freaked out the most, since something interesting is always going on in her head. She says that a crime is a crime and, so, it should all be put on trial, and then immediately she says, it is all necrophilia and waste of money, after all why would we not put Franjo on trial, he was their commanding officer. Somehow I am trying to imagine Franjo Tudjman commanding by the phone in 1991 to Boljkovac in 1945. But some leftists accepted that logic. 'Well, if we cannot defend the antifascists, at least we can accuse the great Satan Tudjman with them.' Mesic, of course, remains loyal to himselfi so he neither doses anything like Josipovic, nor he makes any attempts to be diplomagtic, but he simply hits the table and categorically claims that there were no crimes, and if there are some witnesses and bones, that must have been done by the Ustashas, and witnesses lie.

 

Dogma and heresy

However, in order to understand where so many contradictions come from, where this philosophy 'antifascists should not be touched at any cost' comes from and  why the ordinary, small, and often indoctrinated Croats do not want to hear anything about it and if you say that you are not antifascist they say 'well, then you are a fascist', one should know where 'antifascism' comes from and why the president and this whole team care so much to protect the people whom no one reasonable would not protect in public. Firstly: antifascism is not a struggle against fascism. Because if that were the case, then there would be nothing suspicious: the fact that someone fought against Hitler is certainly positive, but that itself neither provides you any extra rights, not it allows you eternaly to be a moral moralni arbiter for the rest of the naton, a consecrate man, and let alone above the law.  Antifascism is a doctrine, Stalins's one, canonized in the documents by the Kominterna during the 7th congress in 1935., which says that fascism origins from the logic of the capital and that each capitalism necessarily ends as fascism. Social democracy is presented as a 'social fascism.' Apart from that, 'the antifascist' certainly sounds better than 'the bolsevik' And it is precisely in the dogmatic characgter of antifacism that lies the power of blackmail, spin and fraud: 'Those who are not antifascists are fascists'. This terrible accusation - that someone is a fascist - is mentioned with an extreme ease, and we know what one has to do with the fascists: just like those who are now on trial acted with them.  The thing functions at the level of collective similar to an emotional blackmail: people are forced to feel guilty not because of what they are doing, but because of what they are, or simply are not. Therefore, 'the fascists' are rejected altogether not because of their actions but because of their 'personality', while antifascits are tolerated for everything.  

 

And when you see antifascism like that, as a doctrine and a dogma, then many things become clear regarding this expression used by many lately. Onen should not forgeti, in 1991, Croatia was attacked precisely in the name of 'antifascism' and Slobodan Milosevic 'a confirmed antifascist'' swore of it.  And to his wife, SerbianLady Macbeth, her mouth were also full of antifascism. And the Yugoslav army is also orignally the antifascist army and its generals wer mostly Tito's antifascists from the Second Wrold War, headed by Kadijevic who, as a true believer, used to spend hours, autobiography, explaining the American ambassador Zimmermani that fascism and the Fourth Reich are waking up in Croatiai and that it is his holy antifascist duty to fight against it. What is a difference between those Serbian antifascists from the 1990's and those today? Actually, there is none. The symbolism is the same, rhetoric is the same, and the ideological enemy is more or less the same, too. Of course, both then and now with Tudjman ahead: only you will never see him appear at the antifascist gatherings, although he was a partisan: you would not be treated nicely if you pulled out his picture on one of those gatherings, like those in Srb.  

 

Eh, this ideological enemy, that is the second reason why the 'antifascism' simply cannot go hand in hand witih the democracy. Because a dogma also assumes the existence of heretics. 

 

It is precisely for that that there were never 'antifascists' in the west and that term is never used there: it is a specialty of the countries behind the iron curtain. The only group that proudly used that term there was a group of militant communists, 'antifa', also known as a rent-a-crowd since it is always possible to hire them to cause riots in the city. But, of course, it existed in the stallinistic eastern Europe. However, other countries of the socialist pool were at least aware of the fact that they were occupied, so there was a distance both by the elite and by the people, while Croatian pro-Yugoslav and communist clique systematically pushed their treasonable position, through a total control of the media and edution, as something authentic, national, and succeeded to impose all that to a large part of the society, particularly if you take into consideration which strategic positions in the society were taken by the apostoles of antifascism in Croatia.

 

It is precisely for that reason that Josipovic so bravely gets up in order to defend what cannot be defended: a dogma should not be put in question, it should neither have any ruptures, nor leave any trace to doubt. Not a single antifascist in Croatia should be put on trial for those actions conducted in the Second World War, because heresy is not allowed there. 

 

And while Croats can sometimes allow the 'individualisation of guilt' for the war crimes simply because the Croats' right to have a state is their natural right, and therefore a war to defend that right is legitimate, the 'antifascists' can hardly allow it, since the constancy of dogma is a foundation not only of a privileged position in the society and a source of family fortune, apartments and many other things, but also fo the legitimacy of themselves. One rupture in the rock of faith and the whole construction will crash downi, just like communism did. 

 

So, should we keep proving to someone that we are antifascists all the time and before each public appearance ritually distance ourselves from the Croatian nationalism and Ustasha ideology, as it used to be done in the 1970's? We won't even mention the late 1980's. Then a whole Croatia was practically accused to be a fascist state, and of couse, Slovenia as well. Patogenensis of the Kosovo myth and the Yugoslav army schizophrenia were on top. Since the democratic political weekly magazine from Ljubljana, Mladina, was most frequently attacked as 'the profascist one', precisely by the dogmatic forces and Slobodan Milosevic, they simply dealt with the problem so that they put on the cover page, right after the word 'Mladina', the word 'profascist'. No one needed to be explained then who were the 'antifascists' - Slobo, Mira, Kadijević, et all - and who are the accused 'fascists' - Jansa et all. Simply, it was clear that dogmatic, ultraconservative, so called 'healthy forces of the society' are hidden behind the 'antifascism', and that those accused of  'fascism' are democratic forces. Similar to what we have today, 'antifascism' was a tool of the witch hunt like that by McCarthy's anticommunism in America of the 1950's where people were also easily labeled as communists, so let them defend themselves, and persecutors were beyond any doubt by the mere fact that they were what they were. Why that cannot be recognized anymore today?  Well, because for the past ten years we have been witnessing the attempt of revision of what happened in the 1990's, by the very state establishment. And precisely 'antifascism' is a tool used for the revision, and not the other way around, as Mesic claims. 

 

So, when some news get very little publicitiy, or simply when there is no true information, for example whether is trrue that Germany halts the entrance of Croatia to the EU becuase we did not put on trial those UDBA members whose extradition was demanded by Germany for murder, because it is obvious that Germans do not accept the stories of 'antifascism' by Josip Perkovic. To them, he is only a murderer, and the fact that we neither extradict him, nor put him on trial, and apart from that, his son has a high function in the office of the president of the state, will simply be interpreted as an insult. We would like to know whether Josipovic recently tried to explain to Angela Merkel that the fact that the German media write that it was precisely he who killed some people was actually 'a presumed guilt', and the request for extradiction of this 'distinguished antifascist' who was killing the Ustashas all over Germany, as a matter of fact, a historical revisionism of Germany and something that arises from, Germany everyday politics. As a matter of fact, all that Josipovic mentions is approximately the same that we have been hearing from his predecessor for the past ten years, only this time mentioned without insulting the interlocutor and with good manners, but the essence of what was said has not changed a bit, only the sound of it. Instead of Mesic's primitive attitude we now have a polite, an academically refined antifascism with a human face, white hair and eyes full of compassion,but behind that human face, there is Manolic's disgusting face that laughs. And which says, 'you still can't do anything to me'.

 

 

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Pillars of the society

So when it all sums up , a question remains why they all rose to their feet if it is only, as Mesic says, a pre-electoral scheme by HDZ (although Karamarko is not in HDZ at all, on contrary, Sanader put him in the position after Ivana Hodak's murder, precisely on Mesic's insisting, which was also written by the Jutarnji List  which favors Mesic a lot) and there are more important things that we should be talking about, such as standard, unemployment,and so on?

 

No, because bodies are not something that we can ignore: we cannot build a healthy society if the corpses keep getting out of  the closet. 

No, because we can thank precisely to UDBA, led by Manolic and Boljkovac, for the criminalization of politics and the police, which is the case not only in Croatia but in the whole regioni. It is Tito's spies and old men like these to whom we can thank for the creation of Arkan, Perkovic, 'the Legion' and hundreds of other massive murderers who originated from UDBA's 'special program' and most often ended in the Balkans mafia. 

 

And at the end, no, because this is not a story of HDZ and SDP, but a story of diseases of our society and the state, of the truths and lies, and,  most of all, of the moral freaks who still represent the pillars of society todey and are part of its elite. They are still untouchable today, both the slaughterers like these disgusting old men, and those who built their careers and fortunes on their crimes, obtained the sinecures, and every time someone tries to question something from their biography they wave with 'antifascim' before your face, something like Arjen Rudd in The Lethal Weapon by a diplomatic passport that gives him immunity for everything. 

 

And it is difficult that anything can be more important than that. 

 

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